Two very different responses to climate change

Two very different responses to climate change:

In London, England, local borough councils are utilizing land use regulations to stop Londoners from removing their front gardens. Nearly 6,000 miles away in Las Vegas, Nevada, in the United States, municipal authorities such as the Southern Nevada Water Authority are doing the exact opposite—offering monetary incentives for landowners to tear out their front lawns.

Fascinating look at urban landscape scale community responses when the risk is flooding or aridity: Christian D. Petrangelo in the Vermont Law Review (pdf)

the 2012 deluge

It’s all relative, I guess.

I just finished my June backyard rain sheet for the National Weather Service, and realize I’ve had 8 times as much precipitation in the first six months of 2012 as I did over the same period last year – 2.21 inches (5.61 cm) compared to 0.27 inch (0.69 cm) last year.

This year’s January-June total is 74 percent of my long term average.

736 gallons per person per day

Some months ago, I complained in the newspaper about water consumption in Palm Springs:

Today … customers of the Desert Water Agency, which serves Palm Springs, consume an average of 540 gallons of water per person per day.

Having just visited Palm Springs on a desert vacation, I had that number in mind last week when the Albuquerque Bernalillo County Water Utility Authority released its latest per capita calculations. They show that water usage in the Albuquerque area in 2011 dropped below 150 gallons per person per day, down from 252 gallons when water conservation efforts began in the mid-1990s.

I stand corrected. A new report compiled by California’s Department of Water Resources (pdf) puts the Desert Water Agency’s consumption at 736 gallons per person per day. Here in Albuquerque, we’re at 150. Compare that to, say, Sydney, Australia, which is down to 83.

The Desert Water Agency number is part of the first phase of California’s “20 by 20“, an attempt to get water agencies to cut per capita use 20 percent by 2020. I’m guessing the Desert Water Agency isn’t going to have to break much of a sweat to get down to 589 gallons per person per day.

California per capita water usage, by region

California per capita water usage, by region

In fact, the map that breaks down the current usage numbers by region suggests there’s a lot of easy improvement possible in California’s municipal water usage. A state that’s flush enough to have vast areas of the state above 200, and even the densely populated south coast region from Los Angeles to San Diego at 189 has plenty of room to move. I realize we talk about California water with the rhetoric of a looming crisis. And there are some real problems to be sorted out. But these numbers show that California’s municipal water users have a lot of room to move.

Hat tip to ACWA for linking to the report.

 

On the economic benefits of irrigation

The greatest beneficiaries of the Colorado River’s bounty, in terms of irrigation water for agriculture, are at the bottom end of the system – in California’s Imperial Valley and across the border in Yuma County. But the community payoff for all that liquid wealth seems limited. From today’s Bureau of Labor Statistics monthly unemployment report:

Yuma, Ariz., and El Centro, Calif., recorded the highest unemployment rates in May, 28.9 and 26.8 percent, respectively.

Here’s the Imperial County, Calif., unemployment (not seasonally adjusted, and the May number isn’t on here yet):

Imperial County, CA, unemployment

Imperial County, CA, unemployment

And here’s Yuma County:

Yuma County, AZ, unemployment

Yuma County, AZ, unemployment

 

To my readers who understand regional economies, what’s going on here?

Various ways of running out of water

In Cloverdale, Calif., (in Sonoma County north of San Francisco), the local municipal water utility is ratcheting down on outdoor watering:

Peak demand on hot days in May and June has come close to maxing out the system’s capacity to deliver to Cloverdale’s population of 8,629.

“We’re not in a crisis mode at the moment. What we want to do is make sure we don’t get there,” City Councilwoman Carol Russell said.

Besides serving current customers, Russell said it’s also important for the city water system to provide for new businesses and residents in Cloverdale.

Meanwhile in Mali:

Clouds of desert locusts have arrived in rebel-held northern Mali, where insecurity has hampered pest control, bringing fears that the insects may devastate a country already struck by drought, conflict, and the displacement of more than 360,000 people.

A couple of observations about similarities and differences. In both Cloverdale and Mali, the problems are in part the result of an institutional failure. But the folks in Cloverdale have a bit more flexibility in their options to respond (reduced lawn watering vs. starvation).

Not trying to be snarky here. I ran across the Cloverdale story and set it aside thinking it was interesting. But sometimes I wonder whether I’m wasting my time thinking about US water problems.

 

 

Fire

Hillary Rosner, writing at the New York Times, talked to Craig Allen and captured the essence of the angst as the west burns:

“These forests did not evolve with this type of fire,” said Dr. Allen. “Fire was a big deal in New Mexico, but it was a different kind of fire.” The result, he said, is that the species that now live there — ponderosa pines, piñon, juniper — cannot regenerate, and new species are moving in to take their place.

“Ecosystems are already resetting themselves in ways big and small,” Dr. Allen said. The challenge for managing these ecosystems, he said, is to try to help them adapt.

Seeking to preserve existing systems is futile, he said.

More over at the work blog on Craig Allen and the voice in the wilderness.

In the southeast, back to not fightin’ over water?

Atlanta won a big victory today when the Supreme Court turned down appeals from Florida and Alabama, essentially upholding the Georgia city’s right to use water from the Army Corps of Engineers’ Lake Lanier. At least that’s how Atlanta boosters quoted in the Atlanta Journal Constitution are framing it:

Shortly after the high court made its announcement, Sam Williams, president of the Metro Atlanta Chamber, took the stage at a Rotary Club of Atlanta meeting wearing a broad smile.

“We can legally drink the water of Lake Lanier,” Williams said to booming applause throughout the banquet hall.

The much-anticipated decision could have monumental ramifications for economic development across the state and growth of the metro region.

But framing it as victory for Atlanta may not be quite right. It’s more like avoidance of defeat. Left untouched is the thorny and completely unresolved problem of the needs of Georgia, Alabama and Florida to figure out how to share a common pool resolved.

The courts’ decision here is narrow, and has nothing to do with who’s entitled to how much of the Apalachicola-Chattahoochee-Flint and Alabama-Coosa-Tallapoosa river basins. The issue in today’s ruling was simply whether Atlanta was properly legally authorized by Congressional legislation to use water from the Corps-built dam. Lower courts had said “no”, which would have dried Atlanta’s water supply completely. But now that the court has said it’s OK for Atlanta to use that water, the states still need to negotiate a deal on who’s entitled to how much. Again, from the AJC:

George William Sherk, an attorney specializing in water law and who wrote a history of Lake Lanier, said Georgia should not begin cheering just yet.

“Practically, it solves nothing,” Sherk said, referring to the high court’s decision. There still has yet to be a decision as to exactly how much water is legally available to metro Atlanta, he noted.

I’ve written previously about the difference between the Southeastern river basins and our water management out West. We don’t have much water, and as a result we have a rich history of understanding how to negotiate among ourselves. In the Southeast, there’s lots of water, and as a result there is less of the institutional infrastructure needed to pull off complex transboundary water deals.

From a water policy perspective, the next steps will be very interesting.

The Sacramento Delta: “an intricacy of endless legal troubles”

Sacramento Delta, 1874

Sacramento Delta, 1874, courtesy David Rumsey Map Collection

When the US government’s Board of Commissioners on the Irrigation of the San Joaquin, Tulare, and Sacramento Valleys of the State of California duly reported to Congress in 1874, its members issued a warning. If a plan for irrigating the rich but arid lands of California’s great Central Valley is not worked out with care

the result will be a partial and temporary good for only a part of the valley, and will lead to an intricacy of endless legal troubles.

Gen. B.S. Alexander of the Army Corps of Engineers and his fellow commissioners had something fairly specific in mind with their criticism – that water development shouldn’t be done helter-skelter, but should be planned. First, the tools of science should be used to survey the place and determine where best irrigation might be accomplished. After which

the laws under which a proper system of irrigation for the great valley can then be decided upon intelligently.

We haven’t entirely worked out that first part, and we seem to have bollixed up the second part, the development of governance structures, completely.

I got sidetracked by Gen. B.S. Alexander’s report as I was trying this weekend to dig through reactions to last week’s vague rollout of the latest aspects of the Bay Delta Conservation Plan, the infrastructure and accompanying governance being contemplated as part of the latest iteration of Alexander’s ideas.

Reactions have ranged from the tepid to the fire-breathing. They served primarily to illustrate the ways in which California’s current process has failed to capture the principles the late Elinor Ostrom outlined as being central to successfully solving common pool resource problems. Here’s economist Gernot Wagner’s explanation:

Everyone wants a say in setting up the rules. Not everyone’s advice will be heeded, but everyone at the very least will be heard. That’s not just an act in futile pseudo-democracy; it’s key for keeping everyone on board and committed.

If you buy Ostrom’s argument, it’s hard to imagine a worse way to approach the management of a common-pool resource than the BDCP process. The water users who will be consuming the water coming out of the Delta and paying for the infrastructure needed to ensure its continued delivery are on the inside of the BDCP process. Lots of other players feel completely left out.

But it’s worth recalling why the BDCP is that way, and what the BDCP is and what it is not. Perhaps therein lies some daylight.

First and foremost, BDCP is not supposed to be a common pool resource management process. That’s what it’s ended up as, by default, but that was not the intent of the bureaucratic process at its core. If you look at the original BDCP Planning Agreement (pdf), you’ll find a process constructed not with the purpose of dividing up California’s waters and figuring out how to move them hither and yon in the manner suggested a century ago by Gen. Alexander, but rather something much narrower – a process aimed at providing “clear expectations and regulatory assurances regarding Covered Activities occurring within the Planning Area.” “Covered Activities” is jargon for stuff you do that might kill fish, some of which are endangered.

That we’ve ended up with a proposal for a tunnel to carry 9,000 cubic feet per second of water beneath the Delta is not the result of an effort to figure out how to best manage water. It’s the result of any effort to buy “regulatory assurances” that agricultural and municipal water users won’t have their supplies shorted because they run afoul of state and federal endangered species laws. There are some who might argue that the two are one and the same, but they are not necessarily so.

In other words, the BDCP is not and never has been about a process for solving a pressing common pool resource problem. This is about offering water users “regulatory assurance” about how much water they’ll be able to extract from the system without ending up in court on the wrong end of an Endangered Species Act lawsuit, and what those water users will have to offer in return to help buy that regulatory assurance.

That may have been the most interesting part of last week’s rollout is the very explicit acknowledgment of this reality in economist David Sunding’s benefits analysis. I’ve only seen Sunding’s slides – I didn’t hear his talk, and we don’t have his full report yet. So I can’t comment on his results, only on the general principle he’s arguing – that the value in being certain that their supplies won’t be curtailed is (or should be) of substantial value to water managers. As OtPR put it:

Reliability for urban drinking water for 25 million people is really fucking valuable.

The problem may be that this process can’t really buy reliability. Jeff Michael argues there are important questions about whether the BDCP process will really be able to provide the regulatory certainty that supposed to be its core purpose. I don’t know enough about the ESA nuances to know if he’s right, but if he is, it would torpedo the BDCP process. Which would leave California with its common pool resource problem of managing the water flows through the Sacramento Delta untouched.

In our search for an Ostromian holy grail of common pool resource problem solving, that would still leave us with the Delta Stewardship Council process. But that’s the topic for another post.

The Peripheral Canal vote, 30 years on

Here’s a cool map for folks thinking about California’s current discussions about building some sort of Peripheral Thingie to carry water around (through? beneath?) the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta:

1982 Peripheral Canal vote

1982 Peripheral Canal vote, courtesy PPIC

That’s the vote thirty years ago on a ballot initiative asking voters whether the state might build a Peripheral Canal to do the same thing. The red bits show level of pissed-off-ness about the idea. The green bits show where people liked it.

In  governance terms, California’s always been an unwieldy beast – divided north-south, divided urban-rural, divided in some sense east-west (coastal-inland?).

Map courtesy PPIC. (pdf) Nice interactive web version of the map here.

 

On dams, pipes, and western water

When I interviewed Mike Connor, the Bureau of Reclamation’s then-newly minted commissioner, back in 2009, one of his central points was that the era of American dam building was behind us:

Michael Connor, the New Mexican who took over as head of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation three months ago, inherited an empire.

It is an empire built by predecessors like the famed dam builder Floyd Dominy, the man who built Glen Canyon Dam.

But when Connor went back to reread Dominy’s story recently in preparation for a talk, he realized how different things are today.

More than perhaps any other government agency, Reclamation shaped the West. The great dam builder of the 20th century, it is the agency behind Hoover and Glen Canyon dams.

Those days are gone, Connor said in a recent interview. “There was a lot of good,” he said, “and there was a lot of bad.”

This has become a truism, but Barry Nelson (NRDC) and Denise Fort (University of New Mexico), have a new report pondering a followup question that had me smacking my forward because it, in retrospect, seems so obvious. But I’d never quite framed it this way. Are we entering the era of pipe-building instead? Because while there are no more major dam-building projects on the drawing boards, there are a tremendous number of projects in the west aimed at piping large quantities of water hither and yon. From Barry’s blog post on the report:

Today, increasingly, water engineers are proposing to build new pipelines crisscrossing the West, mostly without the storage projects associated with past water projects. (Only three of the projects we examined propose new reservoirs.) This raises a simple question: where will the water come from to fill these new pipelines? In many cases, the answer is far from clear.

From a journalistic perspective, this report highlights a problem with the fact that, while we’ve got reporters at regional papers covering all of this on a project-by-project basis for their local communities, no one’s really looking at the whole thing. That makes this report a useful contribution.

The fascinating full report is here.